By Peter Sarris, Matthew Dal Santo, Phil Booth
The papers accumulated during this quantity discover the suggestions by which Christian experts during the early medieval global either tested and expressed their social place, whereas even as drawing realization to the moments whilst those self same methods have been resisted and challenged. the place prior experiences of Christianisation have for the main half approached the problem of dissent during the persevered lifestyles of paganism and some of the Christian heresies, this quantity means that the event of doubt in the direction of, and articulation of resistance to, the claims of Christian leaders prolonged a long way open air the circles of pagan intellectuals and dissident theologians. the result's a view of Christianisation as way more piecemeal, advanced and incomplete than has usually been acknowledged.Contributors contain Peter Turner, Peter Kritzinger, Collin Garbarino, Philip wooden, Ralph Lee, Richard Payne, Mike Humphreys, Giorgia Vocino, and Gerda Heydemann.
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51 30 peter turner Whilst we may theoretically accept that the conversion was the product of a certain epistemic stance, the argument will remain limited as long as we can show how this stance manifested itself only on a single day and in one particular place. Are we, as in the case of hagiographical miracles, forced merely to imagine the fertile soil which bore this single, spectacular fruit? A Spiritual Lifestyle? Augustine at Cassiciacum and Beyond Apart from the relative detail they contain, one thing that makes Augustine’s Confessions so valuable as an example of autobiography is the opportunity to compare them to his so-called Cassiciacum dialogues.
Buck, ‘Eunapius’ Lives of the Sophists: A Literary Study’, Byzantion 62 (1992) 150; P. Cox Miller, ‘Strategies of Representation in Collective Biography: Constructing the Subject as Holy’, in Greek Biography and Panegyric, ed. Hägg and Rousseau, 238–239; T. Watts, ‘Orality and Communal Identity in Eunapius’ Lives of the Sophists and Philosophers’, Byzantion 75 (2005) 336ff. 21 Eunapius, Lives 499. 22 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica Liber 1 (2), ed. L. Deubner (Leipzig, 1937). 23 Analogies of this sort are common in many late antique spiritual biographies.
And when the shouting grew louder still . . I entreated the god to give me a sign (ᾐτέομεν τὸν θεὸν δοῦναι τέρας) and thereupon he showed me a sign and bade me yield and not oppose myself to the will of the army. 43 No one would deny that this passage is highly idealized and selfjustificatory: Julian declares his political mission on earth to be decreed by Zeus himself. What is significant for our purposes, however, is the nature of the arguments he advances in defence of this radical claim. It is not difficult to imagine the sorts of criticism people might have levelled against Julian upon learning that the Caesar in Gaul had become emperor: was Julian not just another usurper who had abused his legitimate military authority?
An Age of Saints? Power, Conflict and Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity (Brill's Series on the Early Middle Ages) by Peter Sarris, Matthew Dal Santo, Phil Booth